By Melvin A. Conant
Conant explores how the transformation of oil from a advertisement commodity to a strategic uncooked fabric have replaced the face of global strength politics. In an more and more interdependent global, Conant questions the correct of any state to withold important offers from different international locations.
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Extra info for Access to Energy. 2000 and After
The United States is and will remain throughout this century the energy-producing and energy-consuming colossus. It is likely also to continue to be by far the largest single importer of oil while it is almost alone among the industrial states in the wealth of energy options of which advantage has yet to be taken. It is a prescient observation, commonly shared by energy analysts abroad, that the scale of American energy demand, measured in terms of the level of imported oil, may be one of the prime determinants in shaping the coming competition for oil placed in world trade.
One of the most consequential occurred in Indonesia under the direction of General Ibnù, who produced a major and farsighted set of policies. It was General Ibnu's conviction that the political connotations of a concession system whose origins lay in the Dutch colonial period could no longer be accepted. He compelled the majors to accept a variety of other arrangements generally embraced within the concepts of "service contracts" or "production-sharing" agreements. The com- Concession System / 35 mon denominator of these was ownership of the oil by Indonesia, with the contracts between oil companies and PERTAMINA, the Indonesian government oil monopoly—a far different relationship from the one embedded in the concession system.
When the war ended in 1945, Iran was in an extremely difficult political bind. In the north the country was occupied by Soviet forces, while in the south the British government moved to reinforce its privileged position. This situation was greatly complicated by the United States, which had propelled itself into Iranian affairs in order to move wartime supplies through Iran to the Soviet Union. The political milieu was further complicated by the close relationships between BP and the British government; BP was perceived by a growing number of Iranian nationalists as the commercial arm of British imperialism.